The Rent Crisis: How Corporate Landlords Raise Rents 60% Faster While Half of Renters Are Cost-Burdened
Federal Reserve research shows institutional investors raise rents at 60% higher rates upon acquiring properties.[2] A record 22.6 million renter households - half of all U.S. renters - now spend more than 30% of their income on housing.[1] Meanwhile, 7.6 million affordable rental units have disappeared in a decade.[3]
Half of All Renters Now Spend More Than 30% of Income on Housing
Housing cost burden - defined as spending more than 30% of household income on housing - has reached record levels for three consecutive years. In 2023, 22.6 million renter households were cost-burdened, up from 20.2 million a decade earlier. Of these, 12.1 million were severely cost-burdened, spending more than half their income on rent.[1]
Cost-Burdened Renter Households (Millions), 2013–2023
Source: Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies, 2023 ACS data[1]
The burden falls hardest on low-income renters. Among households earning less than $30,000 per year, 83% are cost-burdened. After paying rent, these households have a median of just $250 per month remaining for food, transportation, healthcare, childcare, and all other expenses. For the cost-burdened subset, the residual is even lower: $170 per month.[1]
Share of Renters Who Are Cost-Burdened, by Income
Residual income = median monthly income remaining after rent. Source: Harvard JCHS, 2023 ACS[1]
The Corporate Landlord Rent Premium
A 2024 working paper from the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia provides the first large-scale quantification of how institutional landlords affect rents. Analyzing single-family rental data from 2010 to 2021, researchers Keyoung Lee and David Wylie found that institutional investors raise rents at rates 60% higher than average when they first acquire properties.[2]
Key Finding: Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia
Institutional investors raise rents at 60% higher rates than the average increase when first acquiring properties. Their presence also creates a spillover effect: higher investor concentration in a neighborhood correlates with faster rent increases by non-investor landlords as well.[2]
The implications extend beyond individual properties. When institutional investors enter a neighborhood in sufficient numbers, they establish a new pricing floor that pushes up rents across the entire area - including for properties they don't own. This neighborhood-wide effect means the impact of institutional investment on renters is larger than the investor share alone would suggest.
| Metric | Institutional Landlords | Individual Landlords |
|---|---|---|
| Rent increase upon acquisition | 60% higher than average | Baseline average |
| Tenants with 3+ rent hikes in 3 years | 32% | 16% |
| Typical lease renewal increase | 5–7% | 2–4% |
| Use of algorithmic pricing tools | Widespread (e.g., RealPage) | Rare |
Sources: Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia WP 24-13[2]; JW Surety Bonds survey of 1,000 renters[5]; Princeton JPIA[6]
A separate survey of 1,000 renters found that 32% of tenants renting from corporate landlords experienced three or more rent increases in a three-year period, roughly double the rate for tenants renting from private, individual landlords.[5] Research from Princeton's Journal of Public and International Affairs documents the widespread use of algorithmic pricing tools such as RealPage by institutional landlords, which coordinate pricing across properties and contribute to above-market rent increases.[6]
Case Study: Atlanta Metro
In 2023, Invitation Homes - the nation's second-largest institutional single-family landlord with approximately 84,000 homes - raised average rents by 7.1% in metro Atlanta, while the area's median home price rose just 1.3% over the same period. Atlanta has the highest institutional investor concentration in the country, with institutional investors owning approximately 25% of single-family rentals.[7]
7.6 Million Affordable Rental Units Have Disappeared
Between 2013 and 2023, the number of rental units available for under $1,000 per month (adjusted for inflation) fell from 24.8 million to 17.2 million - a loss of 7.6 million units, or 31%. Harvard's Joint Center for Housing Studies found this decline occurred in every state, not just high-cost coastal markets.[3]
Rental Units Available Below $1,000/Month (Millions, Inflation-Adjusted)
Source: Harvard JCHS, American Community Survey data[3]
This loss is driven by multiple factors: older affordable units are demolished or deteriorate out of the housing stock, existing units are renovated and rented at higher prices, and new construction overwhelmingly targets the high end of the market. In 2023, the median asking rent for newly constructed apartments was $1,750 - far above what low-income renters can afford.[3]
Institutional investors accelerate this dynamic. When corporate landlords acquire older, lower-cost rental properties, they typically invest in cosmetic renovations and raise rents to market rate, converting formerly affordable units into mid-market housing. This strategy - known in the industry as “value-add” investing - is explicitly designed to increase rental income, often by 20–40% per unit.[8]
The Housing Wage: What Workers Must Earn to Afford Rent
The National Low Income Housing Coalition's annual “Out of Reach” report calculates the hourly wage a full-time worker must earn to afford a rental home at HUD's fair market rent without spending more than 30% of income. In 2025, the national “Housing Wage” for a two-bedroom apartment is $33.63 per hour - 4.6 times the federal minimum wage of $7.25.[4]
| Location | Housing Wage (2-BR) | Min-Wage Hrs/Wk Needed |
|---|---|---|
| Hawaii | $47.93 | 132* |
| California | $45.48 | 125* |
| Massachusetts | $44.84 | 124* |
| New Jersey | $40.63 | 112* |
| New York | $40.49 | 112* |
| National Average | $33.63 | 93 |
| Arkansas | $18.35 | 51 |
* Exceeds hours in a full-time work week (40 hrs). A minimum-wage worker in Hawaii would need to work 132 hours per week - more than 3 full-time jobs - to afford a two-bedroom apartment.
Source: National Low Income Housing Coalition, Out of Reach 2025[4]
A minimum-wage worker in the United States would need to work approximately 93 hours per week - more than two full-time jobs - to afford a two-bedroom rental at the national average fair market rent. In no state, metropolitan area, or county in the United States can a full-time minimum-wage worker afford a two-bedroom apartment at fair market rent.[4]
Rent Growth Has Outpaced Wages
Since 2020, national rents have increased approximately 35% while median household income has risen roughly 19%. This gap - rents growing nearly twice as fast as incomes - has pushed millions of additional households into cost-burdened status.[9]
Rent vs. Income Since 2020
~35%
National rent increase
2020–2025
~19%
Median income increase
2020–2025
Sources: Apartment List National Rent Report[9]; Harvard JCHS[10]
While rents have declined modestly from their 2022 peak - down approximately 5.9% nationally - they remain far above pre-pandemic levels. The recent decline is primarily driven by a surge in new multifamily construction, which has pushed vacancy rates to 7.4%, the highest since 2017. However, this new supply is concentrated at the high end: the median asking rent for new units is $1,750 per month, doing little to alleviate the affordable housing shortage.[9]
What the Data Shows
The rent crisis is not the result of a single cause. It reflects the convergence of several structural forces: insufficient housing construction, institutional investor acquisition of rental housing, population growth outpacing supply, and stagnating wages relative to housing costs. These are the same forces addressed by the five proposals in The Affordability and Immigration Act of 2026.
How the Act Addresses the Rent Crisis
End Corporate Ownership of Single-Family Homes. The Federal Reserve data documents a 60% rent premium when institutional investors acquire properties. Requiring divestment to owner-occupants removes the incentive for value-add rent extraction and eliminates the neighborhood spillover effect.
Reduce Immigration 90% for 10 Years. Reducing population growth alleviates demand pressure on the rental market. With 22.6 million cost-burdened renters already competing for insufficient affordable stock, adding over 1 million new residents annually compounds the shortage.
End H-1B, Restore H-1. When H-1B workers are paid 17–34% below market rates, they have less capacity to compete for housing - and the wage suppression effect on domestic workers further reduces their ability to afford rising rents. Restoring market-rate wages strengthens renters' purchasing power.
End Foreign Ownership of Residential Property. Foreign investors purchasing residential property - 47% with all cash - reduce the supply available to domestic renters seeking to transition to homeownership, keeping them in a rental market where costs continue to rise.
Increase Housing Construction. The loss of 7.6 million affordable rental units in a decade cannot be reversed without significantly expanding housing production - particularly at price points below $1,000/month. Federal-local partnerships must incentivize affordable construction, not just luxury development.
Sources & Methodology
Data Sources
- Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies: Housing Cost Burdens Climb to Record Levels (Again) in 2023 - Cost-burdened renter data (22.6M total, 12.1M severe), income-group analysis, residual income figures. Based on 2023 American Community Survey data.
- Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia Working Paper WP 24-13: Institutional Investors, Rents, and Neighborhood Change (Lee & Wylie, 2024) - 60% higher rent increase rate upon acquisition, neighborhood spillover effects. Data covers 2010–2021 single-family rental market.
- Harvard JCHS: Low-Cost Rentals Have Decreased in Every State - Loss of 7.6 million rental units below $1,000/month (inflation-adjusted) from 24.8M in 2013 to 17.2M in 2023. Based on American Community Survey data.
- National Low Income Housing Coalition: Out of Reach 2025 - Housing Wage data by state. The Housing Wage is the hourly wage a full-time worker must earn to afford a rental home at HUD fair market rent without spending more than 30% of income on housing.
- JW Surety Bonds: Survey of 1,000 Renters on Corporate Landlords (via Yahoo Finance) - 32% of corporate-landlord tenants experienced 3+ rent hikes in 3 years vs. approximately 16% for private landlords. Note: this is a consumer survey, not peer-reviewed research.
- Princeton Journal of Public and International Affairs: Rise of Institutional Investors in U.S. Rental Housing - Algorithmic pricing tools (RealPage), supplementary fee structures, and institutional landlord business models.
- Governing: Corporate Landlords Put Pressure on Rents in Key Markets - Invitation Homes 7.1% rent increase in Atlanta metro (2023) while home prices rose 1.3%. Market concentration data.
- U.S. Government Accountability Office: Rental Housing - Institutional Investment in Single-Family Homes (GAO-24-106643) - Review of 74 studies on institutional investment. Documents value-add acquisition strategies and their impact on affordable rental stock.
- Apartment List: National Rent Report - National rent trends, 35% increase from pre-COVID levels, 5.9% decline from 2022 peak, current vacancy rates.
- Harvard JCHS: The State of the Nation's Housing 2025 - Comprehensive annual report on U.S. housing conditions, affordability trends, rental market dynamics, and construction data.
Methodology Note
Cost-burdened renter data comes from the U.S. Census Bureau's American Community Survey (ACS), as analyzed by the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. “Cost-burdened” is defined as spending more than 30% of household income on gross rent (including utilities). “Severely cost-burdened” is defined as spending more than 50%. The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia finding on institutional investor rent premiums is based on a working paper (WP 24-13) analyzing single-family rental data from 2010 to 2021; the 60% figure refers specifically to rent increases upon property acquisition, not ongoing annual increases. Affordable unit counts (under $1,000/month) are adjusted for inflation using the CPI-U. The JW Surety Bonds survey is a consumer survey of 1,000 respondents and should be interpreted accordingly.
Read the Full Policy Framework
The Affordability and Immigration Act of 2026 addresses the structural forces behind the rent crisis through five enforceable reforms.